The World Values Survey in Great Britain: Examining Values Polarisation in Britain and the World

Reform Political Advertising ‘Misleading Times’ (Clemenger BBDO)
Support for Celtic Credit Union
National Milestone - Percentage of people in education, employment or training
National Trust Settlement - Chirk Castle

Head of Brand and Digital of Xchanging PLC Bravr’s expertise in online marketing has helped out our international patient program move to a new level in terms of patient flow. We were introduced to Bravr 5 years ago when we asked them to redesign our very outdated website. They did a marvellous job and it has strongly underpinned our business growth to the extent that it is now the major source of our patient appointments and enquiries. I can thoroughly recommend them to anyone looking for website design and SEO recommendations and planning Business & Marketing Manager of London Foot and Ankle Centre We've been working with Bravr for over two years. In this time we've seen constant growth from our SEO channel, in the last 12 months alone we've seen impressions grow by 162%, visitors by 43% and revenue from SEO traffic increase by 55%. This essay examines the role played by Fabian socialist and Labour activist Katharine Bruce Glasier in the campaign to have pithead baths installed in the mining communities of England, Scotland, and Wales, waged over the course of two decades, 1906–1926. Glasier identified the effects of industrial pollution on the women and children who lived near the collieries, and her writing and activism reveals a profound understanding of the relation between domestic and industrial politics.

Reform Political Advertising ‘Misleading Times’ (Clemenger BBDO)

Awarded April 2014

This essay examines the role played by Fabian socialist and Labour activist Katharine Bruce Glasier in the campaign to have pithead baths installed in the mining communities of England, Scotland, and Wales, waged over the course of two decades, 1906–1926. Glasier identified the effects of industrial pollution on the women and children who lived near the collieries, and her writing and activism reveals a profound understanding of the relation between domestic and industrial politics. Her work invites a reconsideration of the intersections of gender, labour, and the environment in early twentieth-century Great Britain. It also historically contextualizes and centres gender in relation to contemporary libido gummies female uk care and environmental justice politics. No one knows better than the Labour Woman that there are two kinds of dirt, clean dirt and – the other. Her work invites a reconsideration of the intersections of gender, labour, and the environment in early twentieth-century Great Britain.

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It also historically contextualizes and centres gender in relation to contemporary libido gummies female uk care and environmental justice politics. No one knows better than the Labour Woman that there are two kinds of dirt, clean dirt and – the other. Katharine Bruce Glasier, ‘The Labour Woman’s Battle with Dirt,’ 1918.

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As Seth Koven has observed in his study of middle-class women’s work in the slums, ‘Dirt was emphatically political in nineteenth-century Britain. … [H]istory suggests that many well-to-do Victorian and Edwardian women believed that “going dirty” was the only way to get society clean.’Footnote16 In 1894, political campaigns to elect women to municipal government (in which women were enfranchised both to run and to vote) linked women’s representation to the politics of dirt. MUCH IS AT STAKE FOR EVERY WOMAN at this election. Unless they choose wise, honest, and zealous persons to carry on the parish business … , [d]irt and disease will infest the Westminster slums; their children, may be, will sicken and die before their time. We appeal to you more especially to vote for the WOMEN CANDIDATES and to get all your friends and neighbours to do the same.Footnote17 The black water oozed through her fingers.

Awarded April 2012

The scratches on her fingers were smarting enough to prove to her desponding spirit the presence of half a pound of soda at least in the uninviting depths of her pail, and as she felt gingerly for her pocket handkerchief, and woke to a sense of its miserable insignificance in the presence of such overwhelming woe, not two tears but a veritable storm overcame her, and the Protestant faith reasserted itself in her breast, never again to be shaken.Footnote18 Ten years later, Glasier returned to the issue of dirt again in her columns for the Labour Leader. In a series of exchanges with readers, ‘Iona’ focuses attention on the exploitation of domestic help: Under our ‘living-in’ searchlight it is the one-servant households that stand out as the chief among sinners. The chill attic bedroom and the dark back kitchen, the all-the-dirty work, and all-the-day-long round, conjoined to the irritating insolence of a mistress who feels herself ‘superior’ just in proportion as she is inferior, mentally and morally – what is it all but a prison-house existence to the womanhood warm within it?Footnote19 Let us at least limit the hours to the ten hours of the factory, and let our servant lassie feel that part of every day – and it should be the evening – is her own to do with what she will, and let us pay her well. That a husband should want a workman to work all but one evening and one afternoon in a seven-day week – with a day often lasting from 6.30 am to 10.30 pm!Footnote20 Glasier ed gel recognizes the difficulty of the problem at hand, linked to the sheer volume of work involved in running any household. In the early twentieth century, as Laura Schwartz has shown, ‘[i]t was extremely difficult to run a middle-class household without the help of servants, and even full-time working-class housewives struggled under the work generated by their much smaller homes.’Footnote22 Early on in her career, Glasier names collective infrastructure as the answer to the problem of domestic labour: ‘Why should we not have co-operative cooking ranges or kitchens, and co-operative workhouses in connection with all our rows or blocks of houses?’ she asked in March, 1906. Here, I focus on the role played by Independent Labour Party activist Katharine Bruce Glasier in this campaign.Footnote5 In particular, I examine her work over the course of the two decades leading up to the moment when legislation stipulated that some portion of the funds collected as mining levies be used specifically for the construction of pithead baths. Glasier, I argue, transformed the language of dirt she inherited from Victorian activists, expanding their concerns with the slums of urban centres to include the mining communities of Wales, England, and Scotland. Katharine Bruce Glasier did not act alone, of course, but the length of time she spent on the campaign, as well as the connections she drew between the pithead baths and the issue of domestic labour and community health make her work a useful touchstone for understanding the significance socialist women’s contribution to the pithead baths debate and for thinking about the intersections of gender, labour, and the environment in early twentieth-century Great Britain.Footnote6 Katharine Bruce Glasier became active in Fabian and Independent Labour Party circles in the 1890s and was committed to social change in both public and private spheres through government intervention.Footnote7 Sally Alexander has documented the activism sparked by the creation of the Fabian Women’s Group in 1908, whose goal was women’s equality: To this end they threw themselves into activity: standing for local elections as Poor Law Guardians; joining the Women’s Labour League, the women’s circles of the Independent Labour Party, and trade unions; working for reform of divorce (they wanted divorce by consent), prisons, and the feeding of London schoolchildren; and running well-attended lecture series and conferences on women’s employment and training, motherhood, and domestic workers as well as speaking on socialism and aspects of the Woman Question wherever they were invited.Footnote8 Along with Caroline Martyn, Margaret McMillan and Enid Stacy, Katharine Bruce Glasier has been identified as one of the ‘Famous Four’ of late Victorian socialist women.Footnote11 Born Katharine St. John Conway in 1867 to a middle-class Congregationalist family, Glasier was raised in Stoke Newington before going up to Newnham College, Cambridge, supported by a Clothworkers’ scholarship.Footnote12 Conway joined the Fabian Society late in 1890 after striking cotton workers in Bristol, where she was teaching classics in a girls’ school, walked into her church during a Sunday service, precipitating a conversion to the socialist cause.Footnote13 Conway left her job at the Redland School, where she taught classics, and went to work in a nursery for working-class children.

National Milestone - Percentage of people in education, employment or training

A year later, she expanded this vision: We Socialist wives and mothers often … dream dreams of bright groups of houses ranged round three sides of a garden open to the southern sunshine – with an up-to-date bakehouse and washhouse set in the centre in which our work can be so organized and assisted by science that none of us need be overworked, and all of us have time to play with our children and learn afresh with them how sweet and fair true human life may be.Footnote23 In 1906, Katharine Bruce Glasier began writing for the Labour Leader and William Stephen Cross published Public Baths and Wash-houses: A Treatise on Their Planning, Design, Arrangement and Fitting. The same year, the Royal Commission on Coal (1906–1908) began its work, which included inspections of pithead baths in Europe. As an activist familiar with the collieries, the subject of pithead baths followed naturally for Glasier, who published her first pamphlet on the subject, Miners’ Baths, five years later – the same year the Coal Mining Act of 1911 included a clause for the provision of baths at the pitheads.Footnote28 In her essay, Glasier endorses a pamphlet published on the occasion of the Bill’s second reading in April, 1911, Mrs. C.E. Wills’s Baths for Miners: A Woman’s Plea for the Wives and Daughters of British Pitmen.Footnote29 Wills writes: Everyone interested in the welfare of miners rejoices that the Right Hon.

Lois Weaver

Soon she was on the lecture circuit, giving speeches for the Fabians in Bristol and beyond.

Platform	Followers	Engagement Rate	Last Post Date	Content Type
Facebook	10,000	4.5%	2023-05-18	Campaign updates, videos
Twitter	5,000	6.0%	2023-05-19	Tweets, retweets
Instagram	3,000	5.2%	2023-05-17	Photos, Stories

In the fall of 1892, Conway attended the Glasgow Trades Union Congress, where she was invited to participate in the first Independent Labour Party (ILP) blue pillmen conference, held in January 1893.Footnote14 She was the sole woman elected to the ILP’s National Administrative Council at that January meeting. In Glasgow she met Scottish socialist John ‘Bruce’ Glasier, whom she married in June, 1893. With Glasgow and then Derbyshire as their base, the couple launched careers as socialist activists and writers, and in 1906 John Bruce Glasier became editor of the Labour Leader (the ILP’s paper), the same year that the Women’s Labour League was founded.Footnote15 Soon after, Katharine Bruce Glasier began writing a women’s column for the paper, titled ‘Our Women’s Outlook,’ signing herself, ‘Iona.’ The column focuses much of its attention on the question of domestic labour, paid and unpaid, and the challenges of housework. In this respect, Glasier maintains a tradition of ninteteenth-century women’s activism that identified the elimination of dirt with the social advancement of poor women. As Seth Koven has observed in his study of middle-class women’s work in the slums, ‘Dirt was emphatically political in nineteenth-century Britain. … [H]istory suggests that many well-to-do Victorian and Edwardian women believed that “going dirty” was the only way to get society clean.’Footnote16 In 1894, political campaigns to elect women to municipal government (in which women were enfranchised both to run and to vote) linked women’s representation to the politics of dirt.

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MUCH IS AT STAKE FOR EVERY WOMAN at this election. Unless they choose wise, honest, and zealous persons to carry on the parish business … , [d]irt and disease will infest the Westminster slums; their children, may be, will sicken and die before their time. We appeal to you more especially to vote for the WOMEN CANDIDATES and to get all your friends and neighbours to do the same.Footnote17 The black water oozed through her fingers. The scratches on her fingers were smarting enough to prove to her desponding spirit the presence of half a pound of soda at least in the uninviting depths of her pail, and as she felt gingerly for her pocket handkerchief, and woke to a sense of its miserable insignificance in the presence of such overwhelming woe, not two tears but a veritable storm overcame her, and the Protestant faith reasserted itself in her breast, never again to be shaken.Footnote18 Ten years later, Glasier returned to the issue of dirt again in her columns for the Labour Leader. In a series of exchanges with readers, ‘Iona’ focuses attention on the exploitation of domestic help: Under our ‘living-in’ searchlight it is the one-servant households that stand out as the chief among sinners. The chill attic bedroom and the dark back kitchen, the all-the-dirty work, and all-the-day-long round, conjoined to the irritating insolence of a mistress who feels herself ‘superior’ just in proportion as she is inferior, mentally and morally – what is it all but a prison-house existence to the womanhood warm within it?Footnote19 Let us at least limit the hours to the ten hours of the factory, and let our servant lassie feel that part of every day – and it should be the evening – is her own to do with what she will, and let us pay her well. That a husband should want a workman to work all but one evening and one afternoon in a seven-day week – with a day often lasting from 6.30 am to 10.30 pm!Footnote20 Glasier ed gel recognizes the difficulty of the problem at hand, linked to the sheer volume of work involved in running any household. In the early twentieth century, as Laura Schwartz has shown, ‘[i]t was extremely difficult to run a middle-class household without the help of servants, and even full-time working-class housewives struggled under the work generated by their much smaller homes.’Footnote22 Early on in her career, Glasier names collective infrastructure as the answer to the problem of domestic labour: ‘Why should we not have co-operative cooking ranges or kitchens, and co-operative workhouses in connection with all our rows or blocks of houses?’ she asked in March, 1906. A year later, she expanded this vision: We Socialist wives and mothers often … dream dreams of bright groups of houses ranged round three sides of a garden open to the southern sunshine – with an up-to-date bakehouse and washhouse set in the centre in which our work can be so organized and assisted by science that none of us need be overworked, and all of us have time to play with our children and learn afresh with them how sweet and fair true human life may be.Footnote23 In 1906, Katharine Bruce Glasier began writing for the Labour Leader and William Stephen Cross published Public Baths and Wash-houses: A Treatise on Their Planning, Design, Arrangement and Fitting. The same year, the Royal Commission on Coal (1906–1908) began its work, which included inspections of pithead baths in Europe.

National Trust Settlement - Chirk Castle

Katharine Bruce Glasier, ‘The Labour Woman’s Battle with Dirt,’ 1918. Here, I focus on the role played by Independent Labour Party activist Katharine Bruce Glasier in this campaign.Footnote5 In particular, I examine her work over the course of the two decades leading up to the moment when legislation stipulated that some portion of the funds collected as mining levies be used specifically for the construction of pithead baths. Glasier, I argue, transformed the language of dirt she inherited from Victorian activists, expanding their concerns with the slums of urban centres to include the mining communities of Wales, England, and Scotland. Katharine Bruce Glasier did not act alone, of course, but the length of time she spent on the campaign, as well as the connections she drew between the pithead baths and the issue of domestic labour and community health make her work a useful touchstone for understanding the significance socialist women’s contribution to the pithead baths debate and for thinking about the intersections of gender, labour, and the environment in early twentieth-century Great Britain.Footnote6 Katharine Bruce Glasier became active in Fabian and Independent Labour Party circles in the 1890s and was committed to social change in both public and private spheres through government intervention.Footnote7 Sally Alexander has documented the activism sparked by the creation of the Fabian Women’s Group in 1908, whose goal was women’s equality: To this end they threw themselves into activity: standing for local elections as Poor Law Guardians; joining the Women’s Labour League, the women’s circles of the Independent Labour Party, and trade unions; working for reform of divorce (they wanted divorce by consent), prisons, and the feeding of London schoolchildren; and running well-attended lecture series and conferences on women’s employment and training, motherhood, and domestic workers as well as speaking on socialism and aspects of the Woman Question wherever they were invited.Footnote8 Along with Caroline Martyn, Margaret McMillan and Enid Stacy, Katharine Bruce Glasier has been identified as one of the ‘Famous Four’ of late Victorian socialist women.Footnote11 Born Katharine St. John Conway in 1867 to a middle-class Congregationalist family, Glasier was raised in Stoke Newington before going up to Newnham College, Cambridge, supported by a Clothworkers’ scholarship.Footnote12 Conway joined the Fabian Society late in 1890 after striking cotton workers in Bristol, where she was teaching classics in a girls’ school, walked into her church during a Sunday service, precipitating a conversion to the socialist cause.Footnote13 Conway left her job at the Redland School, where she taught classics, and went to work in a nursery for working-class children.

Sam Impey

Soon she was on the lecture circuit, giving speeches for the Fabians in Bristol and beyond. In the fall of 1892, Conway attended the Glasgow Trades Union Congress, where she was invited to participate in the first Independent Labour Party (ILP) blue pillmen conference, held in January 1893.Footnote14 She was the sole woman elected to the ILP’s National Administrative Council at that January meeting. In Glasgow she met Scottish socialist John ‘Bruce’ Glasier, whom she married in June, 1893. With Glasgow and then Derbyshire as their base, the couple launched careers as socialist activists and writers, and in 1906 John Bruce Glasier became editor of the Labour Leader (the ILP’s paper), the same year that the Women’s Labour League was founded.Footnote15 Soon after, Katharine Bruce Glasier began writing a women’s column for the paper, titled ‘Our Women’s Outlook,’ signing herself, ‘Iona.’ The column focuses much of its attention on the question of domestic labour, paid and unpaid, and the challenges of housework. In this respect, Glasier maintains a tradition of ninteteenth-century women’s activism that identified the elimination of dirt with the social advancement of poor women. As an activist familiar with the collieries, the subject of pithead baths followed naturally for Glasier, who published her first pamphlet on the subject, Miners’ Baths, five years later – the same year the Coal Mining Act of 1911 included a clause for the provision of baths at the pitheads.Footnote28 In her essay, Glasier endorses a pamphlet published on the occasion of the Bill’s second reading in April, 1911, Mrs. C.E. Wills’s Baths for Miners: A Woman’s Plea for the Wives and Daughters of British Pitmen.Footnote29 Wills writes: Everyone interested in the welfare of miners rejoices that the Right Hon.

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